Dec 11, 2007

THE WASHINGTON TIMES TAKES A LOOK AT GOVERNOR HUCKABEE'S RECORD

 
Tuesday, Dec 11, 2007

THE WASHINGTON TIMES TAKES A LOOK

AT GOVERNOR HUCKABEE'S RECORD

"Mike Huckabee"
The Washington Times
Editorial
December 11, 2007


...

"Now that Mr. Huckabee has reached first place in Iowa polls, those days are over. His 10 ½ years as Arkansas governor and his conservative credentials are now relentlessly scrutinized, and Mr. Huckabee is under fire for substantial increases in taxes and spending by the Club for Growth and the CATO Institute. Numbers USA, a research and advocacy organization which opposes illegal immigration and monitors politicians' records on the issue, is sharply critical of his record as governor."

...

"But the overall thrust of his record appears to be big-government liberalism. As governor, this included such things as: signing a sales-tax increase; supporting an Internet sales tax; opposing repeal of a sales tax on groceries and medicine; signing bills raising taxes on gasoline and cigarettes; and opposing a congressional ban on Internet taxes.

"On Mr. Huckabee's watch, state spending increased by 65.3 percent, three times the rate of inflation, and the number of state government workers increased 20 percent during his tenure.

"As for his positions on economic issues, Mr. Huckabee is a mixed bag."

...

"Mr. Huckabee has come under withering fire from critics of illegal immigration. Asked last month about complaints that he is 'soft' on illegals, the former Arkansas governor said he opposed sanctuary cities and opposes amnesty, although he contradicted himself somewhat by adding that he believes illegal aliens can be put on a path to citizenship.

"Asked on ABC Television's 'This Week' about his Arkansas record on the issue, Mr. Huckabee replied: 'You don't punish a child because a parent committed a crime, or committed a sin, you just don't do it.' He didn't rule out extending this principle to the federal level, but suggested that he might view state and federal benefits differently."

...

"With no experience conducting or voting on foreign policy issues, Mr. Huckabee's comments and writings are closely scrutinized. Within the past week, he has decried waterboarding of captured terrorists, called for shutting down the Guantanamo Bay detention facility and suggested that America could bolster its standing in the world by treating other nations with more 'respect.' You can bet that if Mr. Huckabee continues his surge in the polls, his opponents will go to great lengths to try to force him to give more structured, coherent explanations of his world view."

To read the full editorial, please click here .

National Review editor Rich Lowry on the magazine's endorsement today of Mitt Romney

National Review editor Rich Lowry on the magazine's endorsement today of Mitt Romney
Tuesday, December 11, 2007 at 8:21 PM

HH: We lead off with a newsmaker today, National Review endorsing Mitt Romney on a cover story that has sent shock waves across the Republican national primary electorate. Joined now by the editor of National Review, Rich Lowry. Rich, good to have you, thanks for joining me.  

RL: Hey, Hugh, thanks for having me.  

HH: Take me inside first the process by which National Review arrived at its endorsement.  

RL: (laughing) I don't know, Hugh. It's a really tightly held process here. It's like selecting the Pope. We can't reveal too much, but… 

HH: How many people got a say in this? 

RL: Well, it's our senior editors, our publisher, our president and our Washington editor and myself. And we've been talking about it the last two weeks or so, just because this is our, through the quirks of our publication schedule, this is our last issue before people vote in Iowa and New Hampshire. So if we were going to have a say, this had to be it. So it really forced us to think about this seriously, as I hope other conservatives now are thinking about it seriously. And I think once you really consider it closely, Mitt Romney is the best choice.  

HH: Now tell me, was there division among the senior members of the board who made this decision? 

RL: You know, there was some. We have a couple of Rudy supporters, most prominently Rick Brookhiser, you know, who's going to, he is for Rudy, has been for Rudy for two years or so, or more, ever since 9/11, and that's where he is, and that's where he's going to stay. But outside of that, we coalesced around a pretty good consensus, because as I said, once you really consider it closely, I think the merits of Mitt Romney become pretty evident.  

HH: And we'll get to those in just a couple more questions. William F. Buckley, does he participate in this? 

RL: Well, you know, technically, he doesn't have a role anymore, because he no longer edits the magazine, obviously, or owns it. But you know, he obviously was clued in on this, and signed off on it.  

HH: And does he approve of Romney as well? 

RL: Yeah, I haven't talked to him in depth, you know, about his feelings about the candidates, but he was certainly on board National Review endorsing Romney. 

HH: Now let's talk a little bit about why. Give us sort of the big three reasons why Romney over everyone else.  

RL: Well, there are a couple of things, Hugh. One, as I think you know very well, the primary vehicle of conservative public policy success in the United States the last thirty, forty years has been this coalition that we have, and that National Review had a big, historic role in helping form, of free market conservatives, social conservatives, and national security hawks. You need all three. If we don't have all three, the Republicans aren't going to win elections, and we're not going to achieve any conservative goals. So I think that immediately takes off the table, even though they have their virtues and merits, Rudy Giuliani and Mike Huckabee, who have problems at sort of opposite ends of that coalition. Rudy, obviously, the social conservatives, Huckabee with economic, and maybe even foreign policy conservatives. So then you're down to three, and I think between McCain, Thompson and Romney, I think Romney is the stand out there. He agrees with us on pretty much everything now. Now of course, he changed on some issues, and that's been very emphasized in this campaign, I think somewhat unfairly. Everyone has moved to the right in this race, and that's a good thing. Mike Huckabee, as we speak, is scrambling to the right in this race. So the question is, one, if you look at Romney's record in 1994, when he was running against Ted Kennedy, that was a pretty conservative campaign, certainly in the context of Massachusetts, where he was in favor of welfare reform, and a whole host of other conservative initiatives. The big thing where he changed is abortion. And I think he's very up front about that. And the question conservatives have to have is do you believe him? Do you trust him? And I do. I don't think he's going to switch back. I think he's one of us on that issue now. And if you put that all together, together with his record as a businessman, a family man, a governor in a liberal state, I think he's got a very good package there.  

HH: Now last week, Romney gave a speech, Faith In America. I thought it was objectively a great speech, given who liked it. And the people who he touched with it are the people he needed to reach. Was the speech part of the conversation at National Review? I can't imagine it was, but I want to check, given your deadlines, et cetera. 

RL: Oh, it was. I mean, it wasn't the hugest consideration, but look, that was a big moment for Romney. And you know, if he had stumbled and fallen flat, we, you know, some of us might have said uh, do we really want to pull the trigger on this? But it was a big occasion, and he rose to it. So that did play a role. It wasn't the biggest, but it was a consideration.  

HH: Now what about management experience? A lot of people think technocratic and not connecting with people.  

RL: Yeah. 

HH: How did you guys overcome that concern? 

RL: Well, you know, he obviously does have that technocratic edge to him. I think it's good, because people are looking for competence this time around. And I think when it comes to executive experience, you know, Mitt and Rudy have the most impressive records there, and for reasons we already talked about, I think Mitt is preferable to Rudy, and a better general election candidate than Rudy. But we do, you know, we do have some advice for Mitt in this editorial. And it really is, he has to show people there is a there there. He is not just a hollow robot of a candidate. I believe he does have a political soul, we saw it in that College Station speech where he showed some passion and emotion. And I think he needs to let loose a little bit more. I don't know whether he's over-coached, or whether he's over-cautious, just given we live in a YouTube era, and what happened to his Dad. In this presidential race, he needs to let people see his core a little bit more, because he does care about this country with a passion. And I just think people need to see that.  

HH: Rich Lowry, let's talk about the electoral map. Obviously, to win in '08, Republicans either need to keep everything that Bush won in '04, or they have to add some states. Where does Romney expand the map for Republicans? 

RL: I'm not sure he expands the map much. And you know, I don't know whether there's much map expanding to be had from any of these guys. And that's part of Rudy's argument, of course, is that they can expand the map, or at least make Democrats expend resources in states where they wouldn't otherwise. But if you look at those polls in those kind of states that the Rudy people tout they'll be competitive in, like California, he still loses. It just that he loses by less of a margin than another more traditional conservative might. And at the end of the day, that doesn't get you anything.  

HH: That's right. 

RL: That doesn't get you any electoral votes. So I think Mitt, I'm not sure he expands the map, but he has a much better chance of holding the map. 

HH: I think he does take Michigan and make it competitive. I think he can take Minnesota that extra step that it needs, and Wisconsin the same way, that that Upper Midwestern roots… 

RL: It could be. Yeah, they talk about the Upper Midwest, and that he could have some appeal to that vote, those sort of folks. I haven't thought about that much, whether that's the case. 

HH: Let's talk about Mike Huckabee for a moment. Does…obviously, National Review is going to be delivered by the Romney people to every doorstep in Iowa, I think, over the next couple of weeks, and that will matter to Iowa conservatives. But Mike Huckabee's boomlet, we've got to talk about it. To what do you attribute it? 

RL: Well, it's a couple of things. One, there's obviously a kind of a built-in constituency in Iowa for a real social conservative purist with a religious edge, you know? It's why Pat Robertson got about 25% there, it's why Alan Keyes and Gary Bauer, if you add up their  vote in 2000, you know, running against George W. Bush, a social conservative Evangelical himself, they got about, you know, 25% of the vote. So there's a built-in Huck vote there. Now the thing is, is that he's obviously expanded well beyond that at the moment. And I think it's because he's likable, he's a good campaigner, and he is filling this vacuum that has always been in this race, you know, the Bill Frist, George Allen, Fred Thompson vacuum, you know, that seemed like Fred was going to fill for a while, until he disappointed once he got in. Now the thing is, if he holds that vacuum, he's going to be a real formidable candidate. But it could be, and we've had these boomlets for various candidates as we've gone through, and when people really focus on them, like they did with Fred, it's like oh, maybe I'm not so excited about him after all. I believe, I can't guarantee, but I believe that process will also take place with Huckabee. We just need to see where he hits his plateau, and I think he's going to come off of that.  

HH: Now obviously, there's a Des Moines Register debate tomorrow, and there's also a Meet the Press date for Mitt Romney with Tim Russert on Sunday. After that, given that we're into the two weeks before Christmas and New Year's, does anyone pay any attention to anything after this? 

RL: Yeah, you know, I think people will. I just think people will be doing some multi-tasking, obviously. That's preparing for the holidays, and shopping, and all the rest of it. So I don't think it goes totally dark. And I do think people will still be paying attention. But we're in uncharted territory. And I don't think anyone really knows the answer to your question.  

HH: And in terms of the economic instability we have around us, the Dow plunged 300 points today, because they wanted a half basis point, not a quarter basis point. And people are, the Wall Street Journal wrote a big story yesterday about this could be another S&L situation, or a tech boom bubble bust sort of thing. Does that play to Romney… 

RL: It does. 

HH: …and to his economic experience? 

RL: I think it does, and that's something that people haven't talked a lot about. The war on terror was obviously, and it deserves to be, a huge issue in this campaign, but it dominated the…and until a couple of weeks ago, it dominated this race. Now we're in kind of this sort of religious war, social conservative fight. But the thing that may be animating the average voter more when we get into next year is those kind of economic issues. And this is, you know, this is, I think, one of Romney's strengths, not just because he was an effective businessman, but you know, he was an effective manager of the Olympics. This is something he cares a lot about, economic growth, that he has very strong views on, and I think he has much more credibility than some of the other candidates on this stuff.  

HH: Quick last question, Rich Lowry, did Romney have a tough time selling the National Review editorial board on his chops on the war on terror?

RL: Well, we were a little concerned about some of the wiggle he demonstrated every now and then on Iraq. But at the end of the day, I think his views on foreign policy, on the war on terror, are right in the conservative mainstream. I think that's true of the three other major candidates. I might except Mike Huckabee. And the question then becomes how do you execute? Do you have skills to do this job? 

HH: And obviously, you think National Review thinks he does. Thank you very much, Rich Lowry.  

End of interview.

Huckabee's 1992 words get new attention

By ANDREW DeMILLO, Associated Press Writer

The U.S. shouldn't try to kill Saddam Hussein in Iraq, Mike Huckabee
declared when he first ran for office. No women in combat anywhere. No
gays in the military. No contributions in politics to candidates more
than a year before an election.

His statements are among 229 answers Huckabee offered as a 36-year-old
Texarkana pastor during his first run for political office in 1992. In
that unsuccessful race against Sen. Dale Bumpers, Huckabee offered
himself as a social conservative and listed "moral decay" as one of
the top problems facing the country.

Now that he's a front-runner for the Republican presidential
nomination, he's being asked anew about some of the views and comments
he expressed in the survey by The Associated Press. Over the weekend,
he said he wouldn't retract answers in which he advocated isolating
AIDS patients from the general public, opposed increased funding for
finding a cure and said homosexuality could pose a public health risk
-- though he said today he might phrase his answers "a little
differently."

Some of the words in his answers to the questionnaire are indeed
strong.

Asked about gays in the military, for example, he didn't just reject
the idea but added: "I believe to try to legitimize that which is
inherently illegitimate would be a disgraceful act of government. I
feel homosexuality is an aberrant, unnatural and sinful lifestyle, and
we now know it can pose a dangerous public health risk."

Earlier this year, Huckabee said, "Nobody's going to find some YouTube
moments of me saying something radically different than what I'm
saying today."

The full questionnaire offers in written form a chance for voters to
see what he was saying as he began his political career.

In the questionnaire, he:

* Called for the elimination of political action committees and
campaign contributions from lobbyists. He also said candidates should
not be allowed to receive contributions until one year before an
election and said there should be limits on the amount of out-of-state
money they could accept., however as Arkansas governor, Huckabee formed a political action committee
based in Virginia to raise money for non-federal candidates that
allowed him to travel and raise his profile for a potential
presidential run
. The Hope for America PAC shut down earlier this year
as Huckabee entered the White House race.

* Said he would not support any tax increases if elected to the
Senate. Huckabee's record of raising some taxes as Arkansas' governor
has drawn fire from fiscal conservatives in the presidential race.

* When asked whether the U.S. should take any action to kill Iraqi
President Saddam Hussein, Huckabee replied: "The U.S. should not kill
Saddam Hussein or anyone else." The U.S . military captured Saddam, an
Iraqi court convicted him and he was hanged last December.

* Rejected the idea of women in combat "because of my strong
traditional view that women should be treated with respect and dignity
and not subject to the kinds of abuses that could occur in combat."
 
...

Huckabee's vocal opposition to gay marriage and abortion have
attracted evangelical Christians' support and vaulted him to the top
of the field in Iowa.

But some of his earlier comments offer a harder-edged presentation of
those stances than he has presented as he's tried to portray himself
as a conservative who won't "scare the living daylights " out of
moderates and independents.

"I think the model he saw that had been successful in other Southern
states was this very hard right message and that's what seemed to be
the most natural for him," Hendrix College Political Scientist Jay
Barth said when asked about the AP questionnaire.

"He's become much smarter about successfully using language that
expresses views without being hard-edged," Barth said.

Now that he's a front-runner, Huckabee himself said Tuesday he
expected more attention to be paid to his years in Arkansas.

"When you're a governor for ten and half years you make thousands of
decisions every year," he said. "In office that long you're going to
have a lot of decisions people can pore through. The good thing for me
is a lot of campaigns instead of spending money on advertising or even
campaigning, since they don't seem to have a lot of activity, are
spending an enormous amount of money hiring researchers to dig through
every piece of paper that was filed in Arkansas."

Huckabee's 1992 comments on isolating AIDS patients run counter to a
statement he released last month calling for increased federal funds
to find a cure. Huckabee says the earlier remarks came at a time when
there was confusion about how AIDS could be transmitted.

He said Tuesday he would be willing to speak with the family of Ryan
White, an Indiana teenager who died of AIDS in the 1980s and whose
mother has objected to the 1992 Huckabee comments.

"It's so alarming to me," Jeanne White-Ginder said in an interview
with the AP.

...

On other subjects in the questionnaire, Huckabee: 

* Opposed passing a law that would give workers time off to care for
an ailing family member. In 1993, Congress passed the Family and
Medical Leave Act, which entitles eligible employees to take up to 12
weeks of unpaid leave for the birth or adoption of a child, to care
for a close relative with a serious health condition or if the
employee could not work due to health problems.

Blast from the past










DEMS HOLD FIRE ON HUCKABEE; SEE 'EASY KILL' IN GENERAL ELECTION
Tue Dec 11 2007 10:27:53 ET

**Exclusive**

Democrat party officials are avoiding any and all criticism of Republican presidential contender Mike Huckabee, insiders reveal.

The Democratic National Committee has told staffers to hold all fire, until he secures the party's nomination.

The directive has come down from the highest levels within the party, according to a top source.

Within the DNC, Huckabee is known as the "glass jaw -- and they're just waiting to break it."

In the last three weeks since Huckabee's surge kicked in, the DNC hasn't released a single press release criticizing his rising candidacy.

The last DNC press release critical of Huckabee appeared back on March 2nd.

[DNC Press Release Attack Summary:

Governor Mitt Romney (R-MA) – 37% (99 press releases)
Mayor Rudy Giuliani (R-NY) – 28% (74)
Senator John McCain (R-AZ) – 24% (64)
Senator Fred Thompson (R-TN) – 8% (20)
Governor Mike Huckabee – 2% (4)]

In fact, as the story broke over the weekend that Huckabee said he wanted to isolate AIDS patients back in 1992, the DNC ignored the opportunity to slam the candidate from the left.

"He'll easily be their McGovern, an easy kill," mocked one senior Democrat operative Tuesday morning from Washington.

"His letting out murderers because they shout 'Jesus', his wanting to put 300,000 AIDS patients and Magic Johnson into isolation, ain't even scratching the surface of what we've got on him."

The discipline the Democrats have shown in not engaging Huckabee has earned the praise of one former Republican Party official:

"The Democrats are doing a much better job restraining themselves than the GOP did in 2003 when Howard Dean looked like he was on the brink of winning the nomination."

A close friend to Huckabee explains: "Look, Mike is Hillary Clinton's worst nightmare. They should be squirming."

Developing...

Huckabee Questions Mormons' Belief

WASHINGTON (AP) — Republican presidential hopeful Mike Huckabee, an ordained Southern Baptist minister, asks in an upcoming article, "Don't Mormons believe that Jesus and the devil are brothers?"

The article, to be published in Sunday's New York Times Magazine, says Huckabee asked the question after saying he believes Mormonism is a religion but doesn't know much about it. His rival Mitt Romney, the former Massachusetts governor, is a member of the Mormon church, which is known officially as the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints.

The authoritative Encyclopedia of Mormonism, published in 1992, does not refer to Jesus and Satan as brothers. It speaks of Jesus as the son of God and of Satan as a fallen angel, which is a Biblical account.

A spokeswoman for the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints said Huckabee's question is usually raised by those who wish to smear the Mormon faith rather than clarify doctrine.

"We believe, as other Christians believe and as Paul wrote, that God is the father of all," said the spokeswoman, Kim Farah. "That means that all beings were created by God and are his spirit children. Christ, on the other hand, was the only begotten in the flesh and we worship him as the son of God and the savior of mankind. Satan is the exact opposite of who Christ is and what he stands for."

Romney did not respond to a request for comment.

Earlier this month in Iowa, Huckabee wouldn't say whether he thought Mormonism — rival Romney's religion — was a cult.

"I'm just not going to go off into evaluating other people's doctrines and faiths. I think that is absolutely not a role for a president," the former Arkansas governor said.

While he said he respects "anybody who practices his faith," Huckabee said that what other people believe — he named Republican rivals Romney, John McCain, Rudy Giuliani and Democrat Hillary Rodham Clinton — "is theirs to explain, not mine, and I'm not going to."

He also resisted wading into theology when pressed to explain why some evangelicals don't view the Mormon faith as a Christian denomination.

Today, Governor Romney has earned the endorsement of National Review, one of the most respected conservative publications in the nation.
 
Here is their endorsement:
 

 
 
Romney for President
 
NATIONAL REVIEW
By the Editors
http://article.nationalreview.com/?q=YmMxYTUyYzA1YTk2YzE5NGVmNjc0OGFjYWJmNzMzNjI=&p=1
 
Many conservatives are finding it difficult to pick a presidential candidate. Each of the men running for the Republican nomination has strengths, and none has everything — all the traits, all the positions — we are looking for. Equally conservative analysts can reach, and have reached, different judgments in this matter. There are fine conservatives supporting each of these Republicans.
 
Our guiding principle has always been to select the most conservative viable candidate. In our judgment, that candidate is Mitt Romney, the former governor of Massachusetts. Unlike some other candidates in the race, Romney is a full-spectrum conservative: a supporter of free-market economics and limited government, moral causes such as the right to life and the preservation of marriage, and a foreign policy based on the national interest. While he has not talked much about the importance of resisting ethnic balkanization — none of the major candidates has — he supports enforcing the immigration laws and opposes amnesty. Those are important steps in the right direction.
 
Uniting the conservative coalition is not enough to win a presidential election, but it is a prerequisite for building on that coalition. Rudolph Giuliani did extraordinary work as mayor of New York and was inspirational on 9/11. But he and Mike Huckabee would pull apart the coalition from opposite ends: Giuliani alienating the social conservatives, and Huckabee the economic (and foreign-policy) conservatives. A Republican party that abandoned either limited government or moral standards would be much diminished in the service it could give the country.
 
Two other major candidates would be able to keep the coalition together, but have drawbacks of their own. John McCain is not as conservative as Romney. He sponsored and still champions a campaign-finance law that impinged on fundamental rights of political speech; he voted against the Bush tax cuts; he supported this year's amnesty bill, although he now says he understands the need to control the border before doing anything else.
 
Despite all that and more, he is a hero with a record that is far more good than bad. He has been a strong and farsighted supporter of the Iraq War, and, in a trying political season for him, he has preserved and even enhanced his reputation for dignity and seriousness. There would be worse nominees for the GOP (see above). But McCain ran an ineffectual campaign for most of the year and is still paying for it.
 
Fred Thompson is as conservative as Romney, and has distinguished himself with serious proposals on Social Security, immigration, and defense. But Thompson has never run any large enterprise — and he has not run his campaign well, either. Conservatives were excited this spring to hear that he might enter the race, but have been disappointed by the reality. He has been fading in crucial early states. He has not yet passed the threshold test of establishing for voters that he truly wants to be president.
 
Romney is an intelligent, articulate, and accomplished former businessman and governor. At a time when voters yearn for competence and have soured on Washington because too often the Bush administration has not demonstrated it, Romney offers proven executive skill. He has demonstrated it in everything he has done in his professional life, and his tightly organized, disciplined campaign is no exception. He himself has shown impressive focus and energy.
 
It is true that he has less foreign-policy experience than Thompson and (especially) McCain, but he has more executive experience than both. Since almost all of the candidates have the same foreign-policy principles, what matters most is which candidate has the skills to execute that vision.
 
Like any Republican, he would have an uphill climb next fall. But he would be able to offer a persuasive outsider's critique of Washington. His conservative accomplishments as governor showed that he can work with, and resist, a Demo­crat­ic legislature. He knows that not every feature of the health-care plan he enacted in Massachusetts should be replicated nationally, but he can also speak with more authority than any of the other Republican candidates about this pressing issue. He would also have credibility on the economy, given his success as a businessman and a manager of the Olympics.
 
Some conservatives question his sincerity. It is true that he has reversed some of his positions. But we should be careful not to overstate how much he has changed. In 1994, when he tried to unseat Ted Kennedy, he ran against higher taxes and government-run health care, and for school choice, a balanced budget amendment, welfare reform, and "tougher measures to stop illegal immigration." He was no Rockefeller Republican even then.
 
We believe that Romney is a natural ally of social conservatives. He speaks often about the toll of fatherlessness in this country. He may not have thought deeply about the political dimensions of social issues until, as governor, he was confronted with the cutting edge of social liberalism. No other Republican governor had to deal with both human cloning and court-imposed same-sex marriage. He was on the right side of both issues, and those battles seem to have made him see the stakes of a broad range of public-policy issues more clearly. He will work to put abortion on a path to extinction. Whatever the process by which he got where he is on marriage, judges, and life, we're glad he is now on our side — and we trust him to stay there.
 
He still has some convincing to do with other conservatives. Romney has been plagued by the sense that his is a passionless, paint-by-the-numbers conservatism. If he is to win the nomination, he will have to show more of the kind of emotion and resolve he demonstrated in his College Station "Faith in America" speech.
 
For some people, Romney's Mormonism is still a barrier. But we are not electing a pastor. The notion that he will somehow be controlled by Salt Lake City or engaged in evangelism for his church is outlandish. He deserves to be judged on his considerable merits as a potential president. As he argued in his College Station speech, his faith informs his values, which he has demonstrated in both the private and public sectors. In none of these cases have any specific doctrines of his church affected the quality of his leadership. Romney is an exemplary family man and a patriot whose character matches the high office to which he aspires.
 
More than the other primary candidates, Romney has President Bush's virtues and avoids his flaws. His moral positions, and his instincts on taxes and foreign policy, are the same. But he is less inclined to federal activism, less tolerant of overspending, better able to defend conservative positions in debate, and more likely to demand performance from his subordinates. A winning combination, by our lights. In this most fluid and unpredictable Republican field, we vote for Mitt Romney.