Showing posts with label Romney vs Huckabee. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Romney vs Huckabee. Show all posts

"He destroyed it"

Article published Jan 24, 2008
Huckabee alienates GOP in Arkansas


January 24, 2008


By Stephen Dinan - LITTLE ROCK, Ark. — Jake Files was a newly elected representative when all two dozen Arkansas House Republicans met for their first caucus in 1999. They had doubled their numbers in elections two months earlier, and were ready to join Republican Gov. Mike Huckabee in pushing for conservative government.

That was when Brenda Turner, the governor's chief of staff, entered.

"Just walked in, shut the door and said, 'There's two kinds of people in the world: those who are for Mike Huckabee and those who are against Mike Huckabee. I'll do everything I can to help the first group. I'll do everything I can to hurt the second,' " said Mr. Files, who left the legislature after two terms.

And that's the way it was.

"Not only would he not help you, he would go out of his way to do things in opposition to you," Mr. Files said.

For the 10 years he was governor of Arkansas, Mr. Huckabee was at war with much of his party.

Now that Mr. Huckabee is seeking the presidential nomination, many Arkansas Republicans warn that he could wage a bruising battle with the national party, too.

"One can hardly argue that the Republican Party has thrived," said former Rep. Jim Hendren, who was House minority leader and ran for state party chairman in a bitter 2001 race won by a Huckabee surrogate. "We thrived as we were an opposition party and standing on principles as the Republican Party. But unfortunately, when we got some power, particularly at the state level, we began to fight among ourselves."

The former Southern Baptist pastor-turned-politician took control of the governor's mansion in 1996 with expectations that he would lead the kind of Republican ascension in other states of the Deep South. But he left office last year by turning over the governorship to a Democrat and with Republicans bitterly divided over his legacy for his party.

"He destroyed it," said Randy Minton, a former state representative whom Mr. Huckabee worked to help get elected but who later clashed repeatedly with the governor. "We had one U.S. senator, we had two congressmen, at the tops we had 37 out of 135 legislators in the House and Senate. Now I think there's 32 in the legislature, we have no U.S. senators and we have one congressman."

In both on-the-record and private conversations with Republicans in Arkansas, the picture that emerges is a governor who succeeded at advancing his causes and was willing to fight anyone who didn't agree.

That matters because the next Republican presidential nominee will be tasked with trying to rebuild a congressional majority and stoke a Republican Party after eight volatile years under President Bush.

Like Mr. Bush, Mr. Huckabee achieved some early successes. By the beginning of 1999, when he was sworn in for his first full term, his party had gained nearly a quarter of the state's House, added state Senate seats and held the lieutenant governorship, one of the two U.S. Senate seats and half of the four congressional seats.

But also like Mr. Bush, who battled congressional Republicans on immigration reform and prescription drug coverage, Mr. Huckabee found himself fighting members of his own party.

'Shi'ites,' 'socialists'

Almost immediately after taking office from Gov. Jim Guy Tucker, a Democrat who resigned after federal fraud and corruption convictions, Mr. Huckabee campaigned for his first tax increase — one-eighth cent on the sales tax to dedicate to conservation projects. He followed up with both budget cuts and increases, but the net effect was nearly $500 million in new taxes and an accompanying rise in spending.

What followed were clashes over the growth of government and, as the issue heated up nationally, over immigration policy. Republicans and conservative Democrats wanted a crackdown on illegal aliens, but Mr. Huckabee resisted.

The war of words was just as harsh. In 1998, when he faced a primary challenger who said Mr. Huckabee lacked certain conservative principles, the governor replied that his opponents weren't really Republicans, but rather libertarians or independents.

By the end of his tenure, Mr. Huckabee was calling his Republican opponents the "Shi'ites" and they called him a "Christian socialist."

Arkansas Republicans said Mr. Huckabee was building an organization for himself, not a farm team for the party. He left many appointments of former Govs. Bill Clinton and Jim Guy Tucker in office, including some department heads who stayed through Mr. Huckabee's tenure.

They said no Republicans hold any of the statewide constitutional offices, and the state party chairman told the Associated Press last week that he doesn't expect to field a candidate this year to run against Sen. Mark Pryor, a Democrat.

"In the 10 years where the governor was the title head of the party, we actually took steps backwards," Mr. Files said, noting that Republicans were advancing in other Southern states. "The overall morale of the party did not take any of those same stages it did in the other states. It started plateauing and took a dive."

On the campaign trail

The campaign finance records for Conservative Leadership for Arkansas PAC, Mr. Huckabee's political action committee, also seem to bear out the charge that he was building his own organization.

Records kept with the secretary of state in Little Rock show that CLAPAC spent only a third of its money on candidates between 2001 and 2006, with the rest going to consulting, accounting and, in later years, travel and fundraising for Mr. Huckabee.

Mr. Huckabee gave contributions as well during those years to at least three Democrats. Given that $5,000 of CLAPAC's money came in a 2003 donation from the state Republican Party, that means some Republican money was used indirectly to aid the party's own opponents.

"Go out and ask those ladies at bake sales or out raising money if they thought that money would end up in the hands of Democratic candidates," Mr. Hendren said. "That's what drove us up a wall."

One Democrat who received CLAPAC money was Barbara Horn. Mr. Huckabee supported her even though a Republican planned to run for the same seat in 2000. The Associated Press reported that Mr. Huckabee's support for the Democrat chased the Republican from the race, delivering an open seat to the Democratic Party.

State Republicans repeatedly called that race demoralizing.

Mr. Huckabee's campaign denied charges from a host of Republicans that he aided Democrats over Republicans in other races.

"Governor Huckabee never gave money to a Democrat who had a Republican opponent," Mr. Harris said. "He did give to some conservative Democrats money in the primaries when there were no Republicans running in the general election."

Records for CLAPAC's activity in 2000 are missing from the secretary of state's office. The accounting firm Mr. Huckabee used said it couldn't provide records without the client's approval, and Mr. Huckabee's campaign didn't respond to requests to produce them.

In 2005, Mr. Huckabee registered another political action committee in Virginia, which has less stringent limits on campaign activity.

The stated goal of that PAC, Hope for America, was to aid state and local candidates nationwide. But records show it hasn't donated to a single candidate but instead has paid for Mr. Huckabee's consultants, travel and fundraising.

A case of clemency that's easy to explain

It hasn't been apparent to me why Mike Huckabee favored the release from prison of Wayne Dumond, a patently dangerous rapist who, once released, committed murder. By contrast, it's easy to see why Mike Huckabee wanted to help Eugene Fields after he was convicted in 2003 for driving while intoxicated for the fourth time in less than five years. Fields, after all, was a wealthy developer and major donor to the Arkansas Republican Party. Moreover, according to the New York Times, Fields had Richard Bearden, a former executive director of the state's Republican Party with close ties to the Huckabee administration, backing his bid for clemency.

Huckabee obliged in early 2004, when he announced his intention to grant clemency to Fields. The announcement meant that the public had the right to comment. Naturally, MADD (Mothers Against Drunk Driving) urged Huckabee not to give Fields, a serial offender, yet another chance. Teresa Belew, MADD's local executive director, made her comments public. This was her right and, given the political "juice" behind Fields, it was also the sensible move.

Huckabee responded to Belew with the harsh petulance (and arguably the "arrogant bunker mentality") to which the political world has recently become accustomed. According to the Times, Huckabee sharply criticized Belew for going public with her criticism of Huckabee's notice of intention to free Fields. In addition, he questioned MADD's motives, stating the organization was simply trying to fan "the flames of controversy that have been stirred in this case by the unusual curiosity of certain media members."

For full story:

http://www.powerlineblog.com/

Conservative Icons Speak out Against Huckabee . . . please add to this LIST!

It might be useful to list out those important conservative stalwarts that have spoken out against Huckabee lately (those that haven't endorsed another candidate at least):

Please

Rush Limbaugh:

Bob Novak:

Condileeza Rice

Peggy Noonan

Charles Kruthammer

Michelle Malkin

Fred Barnes

George Will-- ( these comments too on a TV news show)

Laura Ingraham:

David Limbaugh

Kim Strassell :

Pat Buchanan

Mitt Romney :)

Sean Hannity (kind of)

Michael Reagan

Glenn Beck   (semi "reconciliation" ---- but then he's still not too impressed )

Matt Drudge:
 . . . it's obvious that he has a bone to pick with Huckabee. 

Jim Geraghty

Tony Blankley

Ann Coulter:

Rich Lowry:

Dean Barnett:

Mark Hemningway

Austin Hill

Tom Bevan

Kathryn Jean Lopez

Frank Gaffney

Peter Wehner

Hugh Hewitt

The Editors of National Review  (Oh yeah, this one too)

Larry Kudlow On Mike Huckabee

Saturday, December 22, 2007
Posted by: Hugh Hewitt  at 9:52 AM
I closed my interview with CNBC's Larry Kudlow yesterday (transcript here ) with a question about Mike Huckabee's economic populism.  Larry's response:

[W]hen I had Governor Huckabee on, what was it, last week or the week before, I had a bout with him. I went at it. He wants to, if need be, have government regulate salaries. I think he's crazy. I don't think he understands the free market business system. He's not good on taxing, he's not good on spending, he's not good on free trade. In other words, all the prosperity factors seem to be Mr. Huckabee's weakness. I don't think he understands it. He's just out of tune with all measures of free market, supply side economics. You know, it isn't his religion, and I admire his religion. I personally am a man of faith. I regard myself as an Evangelical, the fact is. But it's not his religion, it's his positions. Condi Rice came out of the State Department. Hell, I haven't seen her in about a month or two. She came out and attacked him because of his navet on dealing in international affairs with Iran and others. He doesn't seem to understand power politics, and that we are in a jihadist global war.  

Here's the laundry list of country clubs where Huckabee is a member

Chenal Valley Country Club
Little Rock Club
Pleasant Valley Country Club
Country Club of Little Rock
Maumelle Bass Club
Old Fishing Club.

Rice rejects Huckabee criticism

ASSOCIATED PRESS
WASHINGTON -- In a brief foray into politics, Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice on Friday denounced comments by a leading Republican presidential candidate that the Bush administration's foreign policy is arrogant and unilateral.
 
"The idea that somehow this is a go-it-alone policy is just simply ludicrous," she said at a State Department news conference. "One would only have to be not observing the facts, let me say that, to say that this is now a go-it-alone foreign policy."
 
Her remarks came in response to a question about criticism from former Arkansas Gov. Mike Huckabee, who has surged in the polls to become a front-runner in the upcoming Iowa caucuses for the GOP presidential nomination. Huckabee recently said the administration's foreign policy was characterized by a "bunker mentality."
 
Rice did not mention Huckabee by name in her response and at first declined to respond, saying dismissively: "Look, I don't comment on other people's comments. I don't have time, all right. I really don't have time to worry about this."
 
But she then launched into a vigorous defense of the administration's multilateral diplomatic efforts on Afghanistan, North Korea and Iran, and pointed to improving ties with traditional allies in Europe, some of which were strained by the Iraq war.
 
"We have right now probably the strongest trans-Atlantic relations ... I would say in a very long time," Rice said, noting in particular Britain, France and Germany.
 
"We're working with allies in Europe, Russia and China on Iran. The (NATO) alliance is mobilized together in Afghanistan," she said. "We had 50-plus countries at Annapolis to launch the peace process between Israelis and Palestinians. We're working together with allies in Lebanon.
 
"I can go on and on and on and on," Rice concluded. "And so, I would just say to people, look at the facts.
 
Condi would make such a great president/ vise president...
 
I wish she would have ran... It is probably too late for her to be president, but she would make a great vise president... but who knows if she wants it?

Coulter on Huckabee: Stupid and easily led

American Pastoral

American Pastoral
Mike Huckabee preaches to the choir, but not everyone's singing along.

Friday, December 21, 2007 12:01 a.m. EST

I didn't see the famous floating cross. What I saw when I watched Mike Huckabee's Christmas commercial was a nice man in a sweater sitting next to a brightly lit tree. He had easy warmth and big brown puppy-dog eyes, and he talked about taking a break from politics to remember the peace and joy of the season. Sounds good to me.

Only on second look did I see the white lines of the warmly lit bookcase, which formed a glowing cross. Someone had bothered to remove the books from that bookcase, or bothered not to put them in. Maybe they would have dulled the lines.

Is there a word for "This is nice" and "This is creepy"? For that is what I felt. This is so sweet-appalling.

I love the cross. The sight of it, the fact of it, saves me, literally and figuratively. But there is a kind of democratic politesse in America, and it has served us well, in which we are happy to profess our faith but don't really hit people over the head with its symbols in an explicitly political setting, such as a campaign commercial, which is what Mr. Huckabee's ad was.

I wound up thinking this: That guy is using the cross so I'll like him. That doesn't tell me what he thinks of Jesus, but it does tell me what he thinks of me. He thinks I'm dim. He thinks I will associate my savior with his candidacy. Bleh.

The ad was shrewd. The caucus is coming, the TV is on, people are home putting up the tree, and the other candidates are all over the tube advancing themselves and attacking someone else. Mr. Huckabee thinks, I'll break through the clutter by being the guy who reminds us of the reason for the season, in a way that helps underscore that I'm the Christian candidate and those other fellas aren't. As a break from the nattering argument, as a message that highlights something bigger than politics, it was refreshing.

Was the cross an accident? Please. It was as accidental as Mr. Huckabee's witty response, when he accused those of questioning the ad of paranoia, was spontaneous. "Actually I will confess this, if you play this spot backwards it says 'Paul is dead, Paul is dead, Paul is dead,' " he said. As Bill Safire used to say of clever moves, "That's good stuff!"

Ken Mehlman, the former Republican chairman, once bragged in my presence that in every ad he did he put in something wrong--something that went too far, something debatable. TV producers, ever hungry for new controversy, would play the commercial over and over as pundits on the panel deliberated over its meaning. This got the commercial played free all over the news.

The cross is the reason you saw the commercial. The cross made it break through.

Mr. Huckabee is a telegenic presence, fluid and unself-conscious. The camera is his friend. It is not the potential exposer of his flaws but the conduit by which his warmth and intelligence can be more broadly known. This gift, and seeing the camera this way is a gift, carries greater implications in American politics than, say, in British politics. In Britain, public persona is important, as Tony Blair showed, but there you rise up in the parliamentary system. You have to learn to play well with the other children. You have to form alliances, handle a portfolio, create coalitions, lead within the party and then the country.

In American politics you don't have to go through that grueling process. You can be born on TV. Some candidates for president have a closer relationship with the makeup woman at "Hannity" and the guy who mics you up on "Meet" than they do with state party chiefs and union leaders. Experience, background and positions can be trumped by killer spots or a dominating debate performance.

This is some of Mr. Huckabee's power. There's the fact that he's new, and the fact that Americans are in a funny historic moment: The lives they lead are good, and comfortable, but they sense deep down that the infrastructure of our good fortune is in many ways frail, that Citi may fall and Korea go crazy and some nut go kaboom. In such circumstances some would think a leader radically different--an outsider, a minister, a self proclaimed non-establishment type--might be an answer.

Mr. Huckabee reminds me of two governors who became president, Bill Clinton and George W. Bush. Like Mr. Clinton, he is a natural, charming, bright and friendly. Yet one senses something unsavory there, something not so nice. Like Mr. Bush, his approach to politics seems, at bottom, highly emotional, marked by great spurts of feeling and mighty declarations as to what the Lord wants. The problem with this, and with Bushian compassionate conservatism, which seems to have an echo in Mr. Huckabee's Christianism, is that to the extent it is a philosophy, it is not a philosophy that allows debate. Because it comes down to "This is what God wants." This is not an opener of discussion but a squelcher of it. It doesn't expand the process, it frustrates it.

Mr. Huckabee is clever. He puts forth his policies, such as they are, based on a faith-based understanding of public policy, and if you disagree with his policies, or take a hard shot at them, or at him, he suggests the reason is that you look down on evangelicals. This creates a new fissure in a party already riven by fissures. He has been accused by some in the conservative press of tearing the party apart, but it was being torn apart before he got on the scene. His rise is not a cause of collapse but an expression of it.

He plays the victim well. Others want to "trip him up," but he'll "get my message out there." His foes are "Wall Street-Washington" insiders, elitists. On the "Today" show he said his critics are the type who never liked evangelical Christians. When one of them runs, these establishment types say " 'Oh my gosh, now they're serious, they don't want to just show up and vote, they actually would want to be part of the discussion and really talk about issues that include hunger and poverty and things.' "

This is a form of populist manipulation. Evangelical Christians have been strong in the Republican Party since the 1970s. President Bush and Karl Rove helped them become more important. The suggestion that they are a small and abused group within the GOP is strange. It is as if the Reagan Democrats, largely Catholic and suburban, who buoyed the Republican Party from the late '70s through 2004, and who were very much part of the GOP coalition, decided to announce that Catholics have been abused within the party, and it's time for Christmas commercials with floating Miraculous Medals.

Does Mr. Huckabee understand that his approach is making people uncomfortable? Does he see himself as divisive? He's a bright man, so it's hard to believe he doesn't. But it's working for him. It's getting him his 30 points in Iowa in a crowded field.

Could he win the nomination? Who knows? It's all a bubbling stew on the Republican side, and no one knows who'll float to the top. In an interview this week with David Brody of CBN, Mr. Huckabee said people everywhere were coming to him and saying, "We are claiming Isaiah 54 for you, that the weapons formed against you will not prosper."

Prayer is powerful. But Huckabee's critics say he's a manipulator with a mean streak and little knowledge of the world. And Isaiah 54 doesn't say anything about self-inflicted wounds.

Ms. Noonan is a contributing editor of The Wall Street Journal and author of "John Paul the Great: Remembering a Spiritual Father" (Penguin, 2005), which you can order from the OpinionJournal bookstore. Her column appears Fridays on OpinionJournal.com.

 

Did a Huck Ally Really Slam Rush Limbaugh?


Thursday, December 20, 2007

I'd really like to know which "prominent DC-based Huckabee ally" told Mark Ambinder that...

 "Rush [Limbaugh] doesn't think for himself. That's not necessarily a slap because he's not paid to be a thinker—he's an entertainer. I can't remember the last time that he has veered from the talking points from the DC/Manhattan chattering class. If they were praising Huckabee, he would be too... Also, I have to think that he's dying to have Hillary in the White House. Bill Clinton made Rush a megastar. Having another Clinton back in power would make him the Leading Voice of the Opposition once again."

Really? Rush Limbaugh is part of the DC/Manhattan chattering class?

Hey, if Rush Limbaugh isn't "red state enough" to question Huckabee's conservative street cred, who is?

"blending Jimmy Carter's ostentatious piety with Nixon's knack for oblique nastiness"

http://www.townhall.com/columnists/GeorgeWill/2007/12/20/retro_campaigning

Retro Campaigning
By George Will
Thursday, December 20, 2007

...

On the Republican side, Mike Huckabee's role in the '70s Show involves blending Jimmy Carter's ostentatious piety with Nixon's knack for oblique nastiness. "Despicable" and "appalling" evidence of a "gutter campaign" -- that is how The Eagle-Tribune of Lawrence, Mass., characterized this from Sunday's New York Times Magazine profile of Huckabee: "'Don't Mormons,' he asked in an innocent voice, 'believe that Jesus and the devil are brothers?'"

Imagine someone asking "in an innocent voice" this: "Don't Jews use the blood of gentile children to make matzoth for Passover?" Such a smarmy injection of the "blood libel," an ancient canard of anti-Semitism, into civic discourse would indelibly brand the injector as a bigot with contempt for the public's ability to decode bigotry.

Huckabee's campaign actually is what Rudy Giuliani's candidacy is misdescribed as being -- a comprehensive apostasy against core Republican beliefs. Giuliani departs from recent Republican stances regarding two issues -- abortion and the recognition by the law of same-sex couples. Huckabee's radical candidacy broadly repudiates core Republican policies such as free trade, low taxes, the essential legitimacy of America's corporate entities and the market system allocating wealth and opportunity. And consider New Hampshire's chapter of the National Education Association, the teachers union that is a crucial component of the Democratic Party's base.

In 2004, New Hampshire's chapter endorsed Howard Dean in the Democratic primary and no one in the Republican primary. Last week it endorsed Hillary Clinton in the Democratic primary -- and Huckabee in the Republican primary. It likes, as public employees generally do, his record of tax increases, and it applauds his opposition to school choice.

Huckabee's role in this year's '70s Show is not merely to attempt to revise a few Republican beliefs. He represents wholesale repudiation of what came after the 1970s -- Reaganism.

George F. Will, a 1976 Pulitzer Prize winner whose columns are syndicated in more than 400 magazines and newspapers worldwide, is the author of Men at Work: The Craft of Baseball.

Be the first to read George Will's column. Sign up today and receive Townhall.com delivered each morning to your inbox.

Theocratic?

The image

 
From a friend: "...While a lot of people talk about the "Christian Leader" ad he ran . . . not many are using this "Faith, Family, Freedom" line to support the "Theocratic" theme to his whole campaign."

Victor Davis Hanson: "Straw-in-the-Mouth Foreign Policy?"

I don't know much about Mike Huckabee, but found his aw-shucks Foreign Affairs essay strange to say the least (e.g., cf. "The Bush administration's arrogant bunker mentality has been counterproductive at home and abroad." )


But what he offers inter alia is the rehashed plan of invading the nuclear, nominal ally Pakistan ("I prefer to cut to the chase by going after al Qaeda's safe havens in Pakistan." ) while reaching out to Iran, the de facto non-nuclear enemy, by offering normal diplomatic relations—of course, only after strengthening sanctions and declaring the Revolutionary Guards terrorists. He laments losing the good will once shown by Iran in its 2001 shared goal of defeating the Taliban-almost like lamenting the needless estrangement of the Soviet Union in 1946 after we once had been so close in working to defeat Hitler.

Nowhere is there any suggestion that a new President Huckabee might find the world not all that bad—at least without the Taliban and Saddam, and with consensual governments in their places, without a WMD program in Libya (and according to our brilliant intelligence agencies, one in Iran or North Korea either), with staunch U.S. allies like Sarkozy in France and Merkel in Germany.

Don't know what to make of the Brer Rabbit and Brer Fox evocations and the general prose style of the piece (e.g., "We played Brer Fox to his Brer Rabbit. We threw him into the perfect briar patch")—other than these references and other similar metaphors and similes sound like some beltway policy wonk in DC playing at Will Rogers, or throwing in here and there perceived Arkansas-isms as proof of down-home authenticity.

Republicn camelot

The international man of mystery that will make America glamorous again!
 
This is how you make america "cool" again. This is the image we want to project to the world.
Mitt Romney speaks French, has a Harvard Law Degree, and business degree... graduating at the top of his classes. Romney would be JFK without Marilyn Monroe. Romney has done business in many places overseas, ran the Olympics. When people come to his house, his kids will be able to speak to them in Spanish, and he will be able to speak to them in French. David Huckabee will be able to tell them about when he was a boy scout and killed that dog and tried sneaking the gun on the plane! Oh, good times.
David Huckabee Leaves the Jail
David Huckabee Mugshot

Back Down in Little Rock

Back Down in Little Rock
Eugene Fields and an old familiar feeling.

By David J. Sanders

It's just like old times. National reporters are again scouring Arkansas. Except this time it is Republican Mike Huckabee's record, not Democrat Bill Clinton's, that is the subject of interest.

Over the course of more than a decade as governor, Huckabee granted over 1,000 commutations and pardons, and they're currently being examined closely by journalists. The latest to draw national attention is a commutation of Eugene Fields, who had multiple drunk-driving convictions.

The question is if there was there a connection between his wife Glenda Fields's five-figure political donations and Huckabee's action. On April 14, 2004, then-Gov. Huckabee commuted the sentence of Mr. Fields — then a four-time driving-while-intoxicated offender — granting him early release from prison. Fields, a resident of the western Arkansas town of Van Buren, was a habitual offender. He had already been convicted of DWIs in 1996, 1998, and 2000, but his 2001 felony-DWI conviction resulted in the maximum six-year prison sentence and a $5,000 fine.

The political contributions by the Fields family — large by Arkansas standards — went unreported at the time Huckabee granted Eugene Fields executive clemency. The size of the donations places the Fields family in the top tier of the state GOP's donors, alongside Arkansas aristocracy like the scions of the Fords and Stephens families. Both Scott Ford, CEO of Alltel, and Warren Stephens, CEO of Stephens, Inc., gave the Arkansas Republican party $10,000 in 2003. (Full disclosure: I write a column that is distributed by Stephens Media.)

A review of campaign-finance records shows that Fields's wife, Glenda, made two $5,000 contributions to the Arkansas Republican party — one on June 26, 2003 and another on July 14, 2003. Less than two months before Glenda Fields wrote the first of those checks, the Arkansas Court of Appeals denied Eugene Fields's petition for rehearing his 2001 felony DWI conviction.

Fields did not immediately report to prison. Four days before he began serving his prison sentence on August of 2003, he applied for commutation of his sentence. In his application, he claimed that his "alcohol abuse is under control" because of anti-depression medication, counseling, and his experience with Alcoholics Anonymous.

Political contributions weren't the only donations made by the Fields family. Also contained in his application (along with a character reference from his Southern Baptist pastor) were copies of thank-you notes and tax receipts for financial contributions from charitable causes and organizations he'd supported: The Salvation Army, Arkansas Children's Hospital, U.S. Junior Chamber of Commerce, and the First Baptist Church of Van Buren's "Women's Mission Ministry." The scope of his charitable donations, which began around the time of his second DWI conviction, expanded as his DWI rap sheet grew.

On February 20, 2004, Huckabee announced his plan to make Fields eligible for parole. According to the Arkansas News Bureau, Huckabee "bristled" when pressed for specifics as to why he favored Fields's being made eligible for parole only after serving such a short portion of his sentence. Huckabee claimed that he had a reason: "Board recommended it. Sentence was within two months. That's the reason. What's hard about that?"

When Huckabee granted the clemency in April, Fields had served seven and half months of his six-year sentence. Fields had already appeared before the parole board, which voted 5-0 to grant parole, making him eligible for parole on June 1 of that year.

Huckabee's April 14 action accelerated the process, making Fields immediately eligible for parole and releasing him from prison. Field's commutation drew the attention of Rhonda Sharp, the Post Prison Transfer Board's spokeswoman told the Arkansas News Bureau. "I've never seen anything like this happen before," she said the day Fields's clemency was signed. "It's very unusual."



Several months after Huckabee's grant of clemency, Glenda Fields capped her previous contributions with a final $500 check to the state Republican party. That appears to be her most recent political donation.

What isn't known is if Huckabee and the Fields family had any connection other than the clemency review. However, another large political contribution to the state Republican party in 2000 and an alleged conversation about that contribution, which occurred that year between an Arkansas Republican-party official and one of Huckabee's close confidants, suggests perhaps there was: Fields's company, Fields Investments, made a $10,000 contribution to the state GOP on October 6, 2000 — the same day Republican vice-presidential candidate Dick Cheney appeared in Fort Smith at a campaign rally.

According to an Arkansas Republican who was working for the state GOP at the time, Jason Brady called him shortly thereafter inquiring about Fields's $10,000 donation. (Brady, who was known among Arkansas politicos as one of the former governor's most loyal aides, worked for Huckabee either formally or informally every day of Huckabee's nearly eleven-year tenure as governor.)

Brady had taken a leave of absence from the governor's office to run the Victory 2000 Committee, a fundraising and campaign committee directly overseen at that time by Huckabee. The former state GOP official — who wishes to remain anonymous — said that Brady called him about the Fields donation to inform him that the donation was supposed to go to the Victory 2000 account (as opposed to the state party's treasury, which Huckabee did not control) and told him "that the money was his" and that it was "the governor's deal."

Brady left Huckabee's presidential campaign earlier this year and he now works in Jefferson City, Missouri. Attempts to contact him were unsuccessful.

Replying to a series of questions this author submitted Friday evening about Governor Huckabee's decision-making process when granting Fields clemency, the Huckabee campaign issued this one-paragraph response: "Eugene Fields requested clemency before going to prison. Fields deserved time in jail and received it. In prison, he participated in a program to help other inmates with alcohol dependency issues overcome their illness. After completing his own alcohol-rehabilitation treatment, and with strong support from the community, his prison sentence was reduced to make room in an overcrowded system for violent offenders. He later relapsed and, due to his actions, he received the maximum penalties." Appended to this response was an overview of Huckabee's history of clemency decisions generally, which ended by stating that "there was no connection between those clemencies and any political donations."

So was Field's commutation normal or unusual? Public records reveal seven cases of felony DWI in which Huckabee granted a commutation. Based on these records, the Fields commutation was highly unusual in three respects.

First, his case was the only one in which public objections were raised. Both the Crawford Country prosecutor and the county sheriff strongly objected to Fields's executive clemency.

Second, there is a disparity between the Fields case and the others in respect to the time between conviction and clemency. When last convicted, Fields was 62 years old; but when Huckabee commuted his sentence he was 65 years old — a difference of three years. The years between convictions and executive clemencies for the others are as follows: 15 years, 17 years, 9 years, 14 years, 13 years, 10 years, and 14 years.

Third, Fields's application contained none of the standard justifications for commutation requests. The form for executive clemency contains four reasons for clemency requests – the correction of injustice, a life-threatening medical condition, an excessive sentence, and exemplary institutional adjustment — and applicants are instructed to check the applicable box or boxes. The only comment Fields supplies for "reason(s) for applying for a commutation of my sentence" is a handwritten "N/A."

(In another section of the application, Fields supplied his own justifications for commutation: his alcohol-related "health problems" and that the felony charge hampers his "efforts to help unfortunate children." Although Fields's charitable donations are sizable and commendable, the justifications he offers clearly are outside the standard reasons for commutation that the application form describes in detail.)

Apparently, Huckabee was not swayed by the objections of law-enforcement officials, the conspicuous lack of justification on Fields's application, or the relative rapidity with which he granted executive clemency. Perhaps the famously forgiving governor thought that Fields learned his lesson.

If so, he was mistaken. In 2006, Fields was arrested for DWI after he almost crashed head-on with a police car while crossing a state highway's center line. He pled guilty to the charge.

To be sure, all of this is merely suspicious and doesn't prove Huckabee acted improperly. But the case will undoubtedly get even more attention, and probably get murkier rather than clearer. Welcome back to Arkansas.

— David J. Sanders is a columnist for the Arkansas News Bureau. Sanders briefly collaborated with an NBC producer on this story.

Republicn camelot

Tin Mike

http://www.spectator.org/dsp_article.asp?art_id=12430
 
 
Tin Mike
By Philip Klein
Published 12/12/2007 12:09:42 AM
As he surges in polls, Mike Huckabee has come under increased scrutiny for granting an excessive number of clemencies during his time as governor of Arkansas. While it is tempting to glaze over the details of what seem like old controversies, his past actions need to be considered within the context of Huckabee's desire to be the nation's commander in chief during a time of war. Quite simply, his disturbing penchant for giving second chances to violent criminals raises serious questions about whether he has the steely resolve required to stand up to rogue regimes and carry on the fight against Islamic terrorists.
Much of the discussion about Huckabee's record on clemency has centered around the release of convicted rapist Wayne Dumond, who went on to murder a woman in Missouri after being let out of prison under Huckabee's watch. While there is plenty of evidence to suggest that Huckabee played a role in Dumond's release, Huckabee denies it. But even if one were to give him the benefit of the doubt in this instance, it does not explain away the rest of his record.
Over the course of his 10 and a half years as governor, Huckabee granted a staggering 1,033 clemencies, according to the Associated Press. That was more than double the combined 507 that were granted during the 17 and a half years of his three predecessors: Bill Clinton, Frank White, and Jim Guy Tucker.
In many cases, Huckabee's actions set loose savage criminals convicted of grisly murders over the passionate objections of prosecutors and victims' families.
"I felt like Huckabee had more compassion for the murderers than he ever did for the victims," Elaine Colclasure, co-leader of the Central Arkansas chapter of Parents of Murdered Children, a group that works on behalf of victims' families, told TAS. "He was kind of like a defense attorney. He couldn't see the pain and suffering that the victims were going through."
Among the violent criminals Huckabee granted clemency to were Denver Witham, who was "convicted of beating a man to death with a lead pipe at a bar," according to the AP; Robert A. Arnold Jr., who was convicted of killing his father in law; Willy Way Jr., who pled guilty to shooting a grocery store owner as his wife looked on; and James Maxwell, who murdered a reverend. According to the Arkansas Democrat-Gazette, when the reverend's daughter met with Huckabee to plead that Maxwell be denied clemency, Huckabee "'affectionately referred' to her father's killer as 'Jim.'"
Larry Jegley, a prosecuting attorney from Arkansas's 6th judicial district, which encompasses Little Rock, was a fierce critic of Huckabee's clemency policies throughout his time as governor. Jegley told TAS that jurors who had voted to convict criminals complained to him that Huckabee's commutations disrespected their service. Meanwhile, Huckabee's willingness to grant clemency complicated plea bargain agreements, Jegley said, because he could no longer assure victims' families that a murderer would not be eligible for parole prematurely. When he tried to make such assurances, he recalled, families would snap back, "Well, Mike Huckabee lets people out all the time." Huckabee's decision to offer commutations to violent criminals were so frequent, that it forced Jegley to call a press conference on the matter. Jegley is a Democrat, which some may argue makes him biased. But nonetheless, it is quite novel for a Republican to be under fire from a Democrat for being too soft on criminals.
When Huckabee did backpedal on his decisions, it was only after tremendous public pressure, or, in one case, a lawsuit.
In 2004, Huckabee agreed to commute the sentence of Don Jeffers, who pled guilty to beating and strangling a man to death in 1980. The Saline County Prosecuting Attorney at the time, Robert Herzfeld, another Democrat, wrote to Huckabee to complain about the decision and request an explanation, according to the Arkansas News Bureau. Herzfeld received a letter from Huckabee's adviser on criminal justice in response that said, "the governor read your letter and laughed out loud." The commutation was eventually stopped, but only after Herzfeld sued Huckabee and the state attorney general's office concluded that certain procedures were not properly followed.
Later that year, Huckabee created a firestorm when he announced his plans to grant clemency to Dennis Lewis, who shot and killed a pawnshop owner in a robbery, and Glen Martin Green. As Arkansas Leader columnist Garrick Feldman described it, Green "beat an 18-year-old woman with Chinese martial-arts sticks, raped her as she barely clung to life, ran over her with his car, then dumped her in the bayou..." Under intense public scrutiny, Huckabee reversed his decision weeks later, and vowed to be more open about his reasoning for making such choices in the future.
But because Huckabee gave little explanation for his decisions for much of his time as governor, it created a vacuum for others to draw educated conclusions. In a long 2004 investigative article, the Arkansas Democrat-Gazette found that prisoners had a better chance of being granted clemency by Huckabee if they had a mutual acquaintance, labored at the governor's mansion under a prisoner work program, or a minister intervened on their behalf.
While there are opportunities to debate his motivations further, there should be no disputing the fact that Huckabee's proclivity for releasing violent criminals into society warrants close examination by Republican primary voters trying to determine whether he could be trusted as the leader of the free world during a time of war. Some may argue that this is an unfair basis by which to evaluate Huckabee. But while it may be an imperfect comparison, given that Huckabee has no foreign policy experience, the only way to judge him is to explore his actions as governor.
Huckabee has already given conservatives ample reason to fear that he is out of his depth when it comes to foreign policy. Last week, he pleaded ignorance when asked about the National Intelligence Estimate, one of the most important national security stories of the year. As the National Review noted in a scathing editorial on Monday, Huckabee has used populist appeals as a substitute for knowledge of international affairs. "I may not be the expert that some people are on foreign policy, but I did stay in a Holiday Inn Express last night," he joked to Don Imus. At other times, Huckabee has resorted to making absurd analogies in a ham-handed attempt to put complex problems in human terms. In arguing for launching diplomatic relations with Iran, he said, "all of us know that when we stop talking to a parent or a sibling or a friend, it's impossible to accomplish anything, impossible to resolve differences and move the relationship forward. The same is true for countries." One does not know where to start when critiquing a major presidential candidate who makes a serious comparison between engaging in diplomacy with the world's leading state sponsor of terrorism and resolving trivial family disputes. Forget the comparisons to Jimmy Carter -- do conservatives want Bill Cosby to be commander in chief?
Just as Huckabee has cited executions in Arkansas as evidence that he was not as soft on criminals as the rest of his record strongly suggests, his defenders have pointed to examples of tough foreign policy statements he has made to argue that he is not as weak-kneed on national security as he seems. "I would prefer to skip the next attack [on the United States] and the exasperated fury it will rightly generate and cut to the chase by going after Al Qaeda's safe haven in Pakistan," Huckabee said at a September speech to the Center for Strategic and International Studies. But vacillating from one extreme to the other is not an example of intelligent foreign policy -- it's indicative of inexperience. Wasn't it just a few months ago that conservatives were slamming Barack Obama for wanting to negotiate with Iran and invade Pakistan?
America is in the midst of a historic struggle against radical Islam and faces a series of enormous foreign policy challenges. Those considering voting for Huckabee for the highest office in the land need to look at not only his words but his time as governor to determine whether he is the type of strong leader America requires to guide the nation through this difficult time. If his disturbing record of extending forgiveness to the most violent of criminals is any indication of how he would govern as president, there is cause for grave concern.

 

Philip Klein is a reporter for The American Spectator.

Andrew Stuttaford: "The idea that Gov. Huckabee could conceivably be the GOP’s presidential nominee is simply appalling"

Huckabee's Record   [Andrew Stuttaford]

There's still no sign that Mike Huckabee is going to release the text of the sermons he gave as a pastor — curious behavior, to say the least, from a candidate who has chosen to make his religious beliefs a central part of his campaign.  Other aspects of the governor's record, are however, more easy to ferret out. Here's Cato's Michael Tanner on some of them:  

On its annual governor's report card, Cato gave Huckabee an "F" for fiscal policy during his final term, and an overall two-term grade of "D." Only four governors had worse scores, and 15 Democratic governors got higher grades, including well-known liberals like Ted Kulongoski of Oregon, Rod Blagojevich of Illinois, and Ed Rendell of Pennsylvania. But Huckabee doesn't just embrace big government in the form of big taxes. He truly appears to believe that if something is a good idea it should be a federal government program. For example, having become health conscious while losing more than 120 pounds (a remarkable feat), he now calls for a national smoking ban. Because he believes that "art and music are as important as math and science" in public schools, he wants these programs funded — and thus, directed and administered — federally. Huckabee is, incidentally, the only Republican candidate for president who opposes school choice.   
 

Ugh. The idea that Gov. Huckabee could conceivably be the GOP's presidential nominee is simply appalling, and so, while I'm on the topic, is the notion (that I've seen floated around here and there) that he could be a vice-presidential pick. Just say no.     

Those who know him best.. DESCRIBE HUCKABEE'S RECORD ON EDUCATION

DESCRIBE HUCKABEE'S RECORD ON EDUCATION
 
RHETORIC:

 
Huckabee Claimed To Have The Most Impressive Education Record. HUCKABEE: "I had also the most, I think, impressive education record." (Iowa Public Television/The Des Moines Register, Republican Presidential Candidate Debate, Des Moines, IA, 12/12/07)
 
REALITY:

 
According To The National Assessment Of Educational Progress, Arkansas Ranked Below Average In All Four Major Criteria In 2007 – Mathematics And Reading In Both Grade 4 And In Grade 8. (U.S. Department Of Education's National Center for Education Statistics, http://nationsreportcard.gov, Accessed 11/23/07)
 
In 2007, Massachusetts Ranked 1st With An Average Score Of 252 By Fourth Graders On The National Assessment of Educational Progress Mathematics Exam. ( U.S. Department Of Education's National Center for Education Statistics, http://nationsreportcard.gov, Accessed 11/23/07)
 
·         In 2007, Arkansas Ranked 33rd With An Average Score Of 238 By Fourth Graders On The National Assessment of Educational Progress Mathematics Exam. ( U.S. Department Of Education's National Center for Education Statistics, http://nationsreportcard.gov, Accessed 11/23/07)
 
In 2007, Massachusetts Ranked 1st With An Average Score Of 298 By Eighth Graders On The National Assessment of Educational Progress Mathematics Exam. ( U.S. Department Of Education's National Center for Education Statistics, http://nationsreportcard.gov, Accessed 11/23/07)
 
·         In 2007, Arkansas Ranked 43rd With An Average Score Of 274 By Eighth Graders On The National Assessment of Educational Progress Mathematics Exam. ( U.S. Department Of Education's National Center for Education Statistics, http://nationsreportcard.gov, Accessed 11/23/07)
 
In 2007, Massachusetts Ranked 1st With An Average Score Of 236 By Fourth Graders On The National Assessment of Educational Progress Reading Exam. ( U.S. Department Of Education's National Center for Education Statistics, http://nationsreportcard.gov, Accessed 11/23/07)
 
·         In 2007, Arkansas Ranked 38th With An Average Score Of 217 By Fourth Graders On The National Assessment of Educational Progress Reading Exam. ( U.S. Department Of Education's National Center for Education Statistics, http://nationsreportcard.gov, Accessed 11/23/07)
 
In 2007, Massachusetts Ranked 2nd With An Average Score Of 273 By Eighth Graders On The National Assessment of Educational Progress Reading Exam. ( U.S. Department Of Education's National Center for Education Statistics, http://nationsreportcard.gov, Accessed 11/23/07)
 
·         In 2007, Arkansas Ranked 41st With An Average Score Of 258 By Eighth Graders On The National Assessment of Educational Progress Reading Exam. ( U.S. Department Of Education's National Center for Education Statistics, http://nationsreportcard.gov, Accessed 11/23/07)
 
For 2006-2007, Arkansas Was Ranked As The 32nd Smartest State. (Morgan Quinto Press Website, "Results Of The 2006 Smartest State Award," www.morganquitno.com, Accessed 11/23/07)
 
·         For 2006-2007, Massachusetts Was Ranked As The 2nd Smartest State.  (Morgan Quinto Press Website, "Results Of The 2006 Smartest State Award," www.morganquitno.com, Accessed 11/23/07)

Huckabee's 1992 words get new attention

By ANDREW DeMILLO, Associated Press Writer

The U.S. shouldn't try to kill Saddam Hussein in Iraq, Mike Huckabee
declared when he first ran for office. No women in combat anywhere. No
gays in the military. No contributions in politics to candidates more
than a year before an election.

His statements are among 229 answers Huckabee offered as a 36-year-old
Texarkana pastor during his first run for political office in 1992. In
that unsuccessful race against Sen. Dale Bumpers, Huckabee offered
himself as a social conservative and listed "moral decay" as one of
the top problems facing the country.

Now that he's a front-runner for the Republican presidential
nomination, he's being asked anew about some of the views and comments
he expressed in the survey by The Associated Press. Over the weekend,
he said he wouldn't retract answers in which he advocated isolating
AIDS patients from the general public, opposed increased funding for
finding a cure and said homosexuality could pose a public health risk
-- though he said today he might phrase his answers "a little
differently."

Some of the words in his answers to the questionnaire are indeed
strong.

Asked about gays in the military, for example, he didn't just reject
the idea but added: "I believe to try to legitimize that which is
inherently illegitimate would be a disgraceful act of government. I
feel homosexuality is an aberrant, unnatural and sinful lifestyle, and
we now know it can pose a dangerous public health risk."

Earlier this year, Huckabee said, "Nobody's going to find some YouTube
moments of me saying something radically different than what I'm
saying today."

The full questionnaire offers in written form a chance for voters to
see what he was saying as he began his political career.

In the questionnaire, he:

* Called for the elimination of political action committees and
campaign contributions from lobbyists. He also said candidates should
not be allowed to receive contributions until one year before an
election and said there should be limits on the amount of out-of-state
money they could accept., however as Arkansas governor, Huckabee formed a political action committee
based in Virginia to raise money for non-federal candidates that
allowed him to travel and raise his profile for a potential
presidential run
. The Hope for America PAC shut down earlier this year
as Huckabee entered the White House race.

* Said he would not support any tax increases if elected to the
Senate. Huckabee's record of raising some taxes as Arkansas' governor
has drawn fire from fiscal conservatives in the presidential race.

* When asked whether the U.S. should take any action to kill Iraqi
President Saddam Hussein, Huckabee replied: "The U.S. should not kill
Saddam Hussein or anyone else." The U.S . military captured Saddam, an
Iraqi court convicted him and he was hanged last December.

* Rejected the idea of women in combat "because of my strong
traditional view that women should be treated with respect and dignity
and not subject to the kinds of abuses that could occur in combat."
 
...

Huckabee's vocal opposition to gay marriage and abortion have
attracted evangelical Christians' support and vaulted him to the top
of the field in Iowa.

But some of his earlier comments offer a harder-edged presentation of
those stances than he has presented as he's tried to portray himself
as a conservative who won't "scare the living daylights " out of
moderates and independents.

"I think the model he saw that had been successful in other Southern
states was this very hard right message and that's what seemed to be
the most natural for him," Hendrix College Political Scientist Jay
Barth said when asked about the AP questionnaire.

"He's become much smarter about successfully using language that
expresses views without being hard-edged," Barth said.

Now that he's a front-runner, Huckabee himself said Tuesday he
expected more attention to be paid to his years in Arkansas.

"When you're a governor for ten and half years you make thousands of
decisions every year," he said. "In office that long you're going to
have a lot of decisions people can pore through. The good thing for me
is a lot of campaigns instead of spending money on advertising or even
campaigning, since they don't seem to have a lot of activity, are
spending an enormous amount of money hiring researchers to dig through
every piece of paper that was filed in Arkansas."

Huckabee's 1992 comments on isolating AIDS patients run counter to a
statement he released last month calling for increased federal funds
to find a cure. Huckabee says the earlier remarks came at a time when
there was confusion about how AIDS could be transmitted.

He said Tuesday he would be willing to speak with the family of Ryan
White, an Indiana teenager who died of AIDS in the 1980s and whose
mother has objected to the 1992 Huckabee comments.

"It's so alarming to me," Jeanne White-Ginder said in an interview
with the AP.

...

On other subjects in the questionnaire, Huckabee: 

* Opposed passing a law that would give workers time off to care for
an ailing family member. In 1993, Congress passed the Family and
Medical Leave Act, which entitles eligible employees to take up to 12
weeks of unpaid leave for the birth or adoption of a child, to care
for a close relative with a serious health condition or if the
employee could not work due to health problems.

Huckabee Questions Mormons' Belief

WASHINGTON (AP) — Republican presidential hopeful Mike Huckabee, an ordained Southern Baptist minister, asks in an upcoming article, "Don't Mormons believe that Jesus and the devil are brothers?"

The article, to be published in Sunday's New York Times Magazine, says Huckabee asked the question after saying he believes Mormonism is a religion but doesn't know much about it. His rival Mitt Romney, the former Massachusetts governor, is a member of the Mormon church, which is known officially as the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints.

The authoritative Encyclopedia of Mormonism, published in 1992, does not refer to Jesus and Satan as brothers. It speaks of Jesus as the son of God and of Satan as a fallen angel, which is a Biblical account.

A spokeswoman for the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints said Huckabee's question is usually raised by those who wish to smear the Mormon faith rather than clarify doctrine.

"We believe, as other Christians believe and as Paul wrote, that God is the father of all," said the spokeswoman, Kim Farah. "That means that all beings were created by God and are his spirit children. Christ, on the other hand, was the only begotten in the flesh and we worship him as the son of God and the savior of mankind. Satan is the exact opposite of who Christ is and what he stands for."

Romney did not respond to a request for comment.

Earlier this month in Iowa, Huckabee wouldn't say whether he thought Mormonism — rival Romney's religion — was a cult.

"I'm just not going to go off into evaluating other people's doctrines and faiths. I think that is absolutely not a role for a president," the former Arkansas governor said.

While he said he respects "anybody who practices his faith," Huckabee said that what other people believe — he named Republican rivals Romney, John McCain, Rudy Giuliani and Democrat Hillary Rodham Clinton — "is theirs to explain, not mine, and I'm not going to."

He also resisted wading into theology when pressed to explain why some evangelicals don't view the Mormon faith as a Christian denomination.